Análisis de la Producción Legislativa 1990-2008

Anà ¡lisis de la Produccià ³n Legislativa 1990-2008 I. Resumen El presente trabajo titulado â€Å"Anà ¡lisis de la Produccià ³n Legislativa 1990-2008†, tiene el propà ³sito de analizar el desempeà ±o institucional del Congreso, como Poder del Estado, especà ­ficamente a su funcià ³n legislativa, en el perà ­odo comprendido entre el 1 ° de enero de 1990 al 31 de diciembre del 2008. Esta investigacià ³n nace de la inquietud de la relacià ³n entre el Poder Ejecutivo y el Poder Legislativo a raà ­z de la modificacià ³n a nuestra Constitucià ³n en el aà ±o de 1994. Luego de una crisis de legitimidad de unos comicios electorales, se modifica la fecha de las elecciones para elegir al Presidente de la Repà ºblica; nos encontramos con un Poder Legislativo, donde la mitad del perà ­odo iniciarà ­a con un ejecutivo y la otra mitad con otro ejecutivo diferente. Surge la inquietud de evaluar la produccià ³n legislativa y La Efectividad del Poder Legislativo: Entre el Poder Polà ­tico y el Poder Institucional Hablar de la labor del Congreso en tà ©rminos de produccià ³n presenta retos conceptuales significativos pues dicha labor no es reducible a una cuantà ­a objetiva y tangible sobre lo que pueda emitir el criterio comà ºn. Existe una dimensià ³n cuantificable en dicha labor: el Nà ºmero de leyes y Resoluciones emanados de la Asamblea Legislativa en determinado perà ­odo. Intentar dar igual peso a cada unidad de legislacià ³n representarà ­a importantes diferencias cualitativas entre ellas. Peor aà ºn, puede crear una ilusià ³n de eficiencia en perà ­odos en que crece la aprobacià ³n de leyes triviales o de ineficiencia en perà ­odos en que se aprueban tan solo unas pocas pero fundamentales. Es posible analizar la legislacià ³n aprobada cualitativamente, clasificando su relevancia segà ºn la opinià ³n de expertos (Mayhew, 1991). No obstante, es imposible hacerlo sin introducir un alto grado de subjetividad en el anà ¡lisis. La excelencia objetiva de la legislacià ³n aprobada solo puede valorarse con respecto a la legislacià ³n potencial-la agenda polà ­tica en un momento determinado. El estudio analiza y evalà ºa la produccià ³n del Poder Legislativo como à ³rgano de gobierno. Aunque las funciones del Parlamento son muy amplias y variadas (representar, debatir, controlar) su actividad legislativa es la que lo ubica como Poder co-gobernante y le otorga una posicià ³n central en el proceso polà ­tico de toma de decisiones. La razà ³n para analizar la produccià ³n legislativa del Congreso consiste precisamente en que el cumplimiento de sus otras funciones ha sido visto, frecuentemente, como un obstà ¡culo para su desempeà ±o como à ³rgano de gobierno. Adicionalmente, su condicià ³n asambleistita y el pluralismo de su integracià ³n, son los factores estructurales que apoyan una visià ³n crà ­tica que ve al Poder Legislativo como una institucià ³n â€Å"ineficiente† que bloquea el proceso de gobierno. En consecuencia, este anà ¡lisis y evaluacià ³n de la produccià ³n legislativa del parlamento busca establecer con precisià ³n la cuantà ­a de su contribucià ³n al proceso de gobierno y las caracterà ­sticas con que se desarrolla. Nuestro trabajo se centra, especà ­ficamente en las leyes y reformas a leyes aprobadas por mayorà ­a absoluta y no aborda las otras funciones constitucionales del Congreso. Dentro de este campo, la investigacià ³n presenta los siguientes productos: a) Nà ºmero total de leyes promulgadas por el Poder Ejecutivo; b) Ordenamiento de ese conjunto en base a un â€Å"Indice de Importancia Polà ­tica†, con una metodologà ­a de ponderacià ³n; c) Efectividad del Poder Ejecutivo y del Poder Legislativo en materia de iniciativas legislativas sancionadas en dicho perà ­odo, d) Vetos Institucionales, e) Nà ºmero de Partidos Polà ­ticos. Los resultados de la investigacià ³n en cada uno de estos puntos, se exponen en los respectivos capà ­tulos del informe, respaldado con cuadros y grà ¡ficas. El estudio està ¡ organizado de la siguiente manera: El Primer Capà ­tulo del informe es fundamentalmente un desarrollo conceptual que presenta una caracterizacià ³n del parlamento como institucià ³n. Inicialmente se establecen, de forma general, el conjunto de funciones de los parlamentos en los regà ­menes democrà ¡ticos y se muestra como sus caracterà ­sticas pueden variar en funcià ³n de ciertos aspectos del diseà ±o institucional. En el segundo apartado se da cuenta de las crà ­ticas que han recibido los Congresos tanto desde quienes le exigen eficiencia como desde los que lo acusan de debilidad institucional. Finalmente se desarrolla una caracterizacià ³n del parlamento dominicano, describiendo su ubicacià ³n institucional, composicià ³n, funciones, se describen las normas que regulan el proceso legislativo y algunas puntualizaciones sobre la evolucià ³n del Congreso en las dinà ¡micas de gobierno. El Segundo Capà ­tulo del informe desarrolla una propuesta metodolà ³gica para evaluar la produccià ³n legislativa del parlamento. Como es natural, el trabajo parte de la consideracià ³n de la cantidad de leyes sancionadas por el Poder Legislativo. El nà ºmero total es 1329 leyes en 18 aà ±os es en sà ­ mismo significativo. De todas formas parece obvio que las normas aprobadas son de muy diversa naturaleza, complejidad e impacto. En consecuencia un anà ¡lisis en profundidad debe necesariamente realizar una discriminacià ³n entre ellas. Es asà ­, que de forma complementaria se propone la utilizacià ³n de un â€Å"à ­ndice de importancia† de las leyes que las clasifica en cuatro categorà ­as en funcià ³n de la utilizacià ³n de cuatro criterios. Los criterios refieren a: i) el origen del proyecto en funcià ³n de resulta de una iniciativa del Poder Ejecutivo o del propio Poder Legislativo; ii) su alcance en tà ©rminos de impacto en la sociedad; iii) la repercusià ³n en la opinià ³n pà ºblica; y iv) la existencia o no de debates en los plenarios de las cà ¡maras. El à ­ndice se construye agregando los cuatro valores para cada ley generando cuatro categorà ­as de importancia: Muy alta, alta, media y baja. El Tercer Capà ­tulo entra de lleno en el anà ¡lisis longitudinal de la produccià ³n legislativa en Repà ºblica Dominicana, 1990-2008. En primer tà ©rmino se muestra la evolucià ³n del nà ºmero de leyes aprobadas durante los 18 aà ±os incluidos en el estudio. En esta primera aproximacià ³n se constatan dos regularidades. a) Es la aparicià ³n de una tendencia creciente con el tiempo en el nà ºmero total de leyes aprobadas. b) Es la presencia de un ciclo dentro de cada legislatura que muestra una tendencia al aumento en el nà ºmero total de leyes aprobadas hacia el final de cada perà ­odo legislativo. En segundo tà ©rmino se observa la legislacià ³n aprobada durante el perà ­odo de anà ¡lisis en funcià ³n de los resultados que surgen de la aplicacià ³n del à ­ndice de importancia de las leyes. Allà ­ se observa que las leyes de baja importancia son la mayorà ­a. Asimismo los diferentes tipos de leyes muestran comportamientos cà ­clicos disà ­miles dentro de cada legislatura. Mientras la aprobacià ³n de leyes de alta importancia se concentra en los primeros aà ±os de cada perà ­odo presidencial. Se sostiene que esta diferencia obedece principalmente a dos factores. A) el Poder Ejecutivo promueve a nivel legislativo buena parte de su agenda de gobierno al inicio de cada administracià ³n. B) en los primeros aà ±os de cada mandato se constituyeron mayorà ­as legislativas que hicieron viables los proyectos propuestos por el gobierno, esa incidencia se manifiesta de forma muy fuerte al inicio de cada administracià ³n y va decayendo con el transcurso de la misma. El cuarto capà ­tulo: Claramente el alto porcentaje de leyes importantes aprobadas por unanimidad en el perà ­odo 1996-200 obedece a la legislacià ³n vinculada al proceso de desarrollo institucional que vivià ³ el paà ­s. En cuanto a la disciplina legislativa de los partidos polà ­ticos, lo primero a destacar es que todos los partidos dominicanos, contrariamente a lo que se cree, muestran niveles de disciplina muy altos. Al considerar las votaciones de las leyes de alta importancia, se observa que en la gran mayorà ­a de ellas, todos los partidos votaron en bloque. El à ºltimo capà ­tulo del informe estudia la interposicià ³n de vetos por parte del Poder Ejecutivo a las leyes aprobadas por el Parlamento. Este comportamiento responderà ¡ de forma evidente a la existencia y permanencia de una coalicià ³n mayoritaria de gobierno o como reaccià ³n del Poder Ejecutivo, en condicià ³n minoritaria, frente a un Parlamento que tiende a mostrarse â€Å"proactivo† y ajeno a sus prioridades en materia polà ­tica, a medida que se aproximan las siguientes elecciones. En una apreciacià ³n inicial, considerà ¡bamos que los congresos eran dà ©biles desde el punto de vista de la produccià ³n legislativa quienes otorgan la legitimidad democrà ¡tica al proceso ordinario de elaboracià ³n de la ley. Es decir, el paso de las leyes por el Congreso, no sà ³lo es obligatorio en todo proceso legislativo, sino que es el elemento legitimador de las mismas ante la sociedad. Durante el desarrollo de la investigacià ³n fue evidente que el Legislativo es un à ³rgano sumamente complejo, que requiere de anà ¡lisis muy detallados sobre las dinà ¡micas que le dan forma. Debemos reconocer que en Amà ©rica Latina el Poder Legislativo es un actor mà ¡s poderoso de lo que generalmente se cree y que —precisamente por ello— es necesario tenerlo en cuenta, pues en muchas ocasiones termina moldeando y acotando el poder que se atribuye a la Presidencia de la Repà ºblica. La propia investigacià ³n deja abiertas varias interrogantes y muestra la necesidad de profundizar en otras funciones del Congreso, que son igualmente relevantes y que en conjunto muestran la efectiva densidad del desempeà ±o y de la legitimidad de las Cà ¡maras como cuerpos primarios del sistema democrà ¡tico: control y fiscalizacià ³n del Poder Ejecutivo y de otros organismos estatales. Dentro de este campo, la investigacià ³n pudiese desarrollar los siguientes productos: a) desempeà ±o de los partidos polà ­ticos, en tà ©rminos de incitativa legislativa y en tà ©rminos de disciplina; b) anà ¡lisis del proceso de tramitacià ³n de las leyes consideradas, disciplina de los conjuntos partidarios, etc. Serà ­a interesante poder evaluar la capacidad de propuesta y de respuesta de las representaciones congresionales, las modificaciones que se introducen a los proyectos en debate y los eventuales rechazos, los tipos de aprobacià ³n y sus alternativas concretas, observando las formas de disciplina, los intercambios y los procesos de negociacià ³n (inter e intra partidarios y sectoriales, entre los legisladores y los agentes ejecutivos) y estudiar los procesos de trabajo en las comisiones, que constituyen nà ºcleos estratà ©gicos de la labor legislativa y laboratorios privilegiados para el anà ¡lisis. Todo lo cual implica una relacià ³n inter-institucional compleja y un proceso dinà ¡mico de construccià ³n de mayorà ­as, para la sancià ³n de cada producto legislativo concreto. Sin perjuicio de alguna publicacià ³n, por mà ­ desconocida, que sirva de antecedente, el presente trabajo corresponderà ­a al primer estudio de este tipo que se realiza en el Repà ºblica Dominicana, lo que es un avance importante para el anà ¡lisis de polà ­tica comparada. Confiamos en que el producto inicial de à ©ste informe sea de utilidad para la labor legislativa, los estudios acadà ©micos. Es nuestro interà ©s abrir el debate de la funcià ³n de los poderes legislativos en el entorno presidencialista. Esperamos que de su lectura el lector especializado pueda extraer à ¡ngulos de anà ¡lisis o sugerencias que deberà ¡n contribuir al despliegue de su propia reflexià ³n. II. El Congreso Como Institucià ³n 2.1.Tiempos de Cambios El Congreso ocupa un lugar relevante en la estructura de gobierno de Repà ºblica Dominicana, como lo establece la normativa constitucional, pero tambià ©n a causa de las modalidades del rà ©gimen polà ­tico y de la composicià ³n nutrida del arco de partidos, afirmando una cultura cà ­vica con tradiciones democrà ¡ticas. Es sin duda una institucià ³n estratà ©gica de un sistema que se ha ajustado histà ³ricamente a un formato efectivo de separacià ³n, de independencia y de equilibrio entre los poderes del estado, que resulta a su vez alimentado por la dinà ¡mica polà ­tica, las representaciones de la ciudadanà ­a y la intervencià ³n consistente de los partidos. Varias circunstancias han ayudado a à ©ste perfil. En primer tà ©rmino, existe una tendencia histà ³rica universal de larga data que afecta a todos los sistemas democrà ¡ticos y que redunda en el reforzamiento del papel del Poder Ejecutivo y de las demà ¡s unidades de la administracià ³n en los procesos decisorios. Mà ¡s que à ³rganos de ejecucià ³n tenemos asà ­ un verdadero â€Å"poder gubernamental† -segà ºn la acertada caracterizacià ³n de Maurice Duverger [1](1962)- que se desarrolla como nà ºcleo de produccià ³n polà ­tica, en un sistema cambiante de relaciones institucionales, con nuevos và ­nculos de separacià ³n y articulacià ³n, cooperacià ³n y competencia entre los cuerpos mayores de gobierno, que modifican a su vez las caracterà ­sticas del proceso legislativo y los congresos de ejercicio de las demà ¡s funciones del Congreso. En tà ©rminos mà ¡s generales, las transformaciones corrientes inciden en la configuracià ³n de los factores de poder y de las alternativas de control, en el à ¡mbito de la economà ­a y en el conjunto de la sociedad. Se modifican las formas, las funciones y hasta el alcances de la polà ­tica, el oficio de los partidos y los patrones de legitimacià ³n, en un contexto de creciente complejidad y al tiempo que van cambiando las estructuras del estado y los modos de gobierno, los sistemas de gestià ³n pà ºblica y los requerimientos tà ©cnicos De este conjunto de factores y de las transformaciones concurrentes en la normativa constitucional, surge otro cuadro de condiciones para el ejercicio del Poder Legislativo. Nuevos componentes y problemas en la fabricacià ³n de la polà ­tica y de la legislacià ³n, un atado de relaciones institucionales de balance dificultoso y relativamente asimà ©trico. Habrà ¡ exigencias renovadas en la gestià ³n parlamentaria, particularmente en lo que toca a los procesos de trabajo y a la organizacià ³n, a los flujos de informacià ³n y a la disposicià ³n de saberes, a la capacidad colectiva de sus cuerpos y al desempeà ±o particular de los representantes y las bancadas, a las relaciones con la ciudadanà ­a y la opinià ³n pà ºblica. Estos elementos trazan un escenario de transicià ³n: en el que el Congreso es un actor con responsabilidades primarias en los procesos de cambio y debe tramitar a la vez su propia reconversià ³n polà ­tica e institucional. Siendo de hecho, sujeto y objeto de la reforma polà ­tica y del estado. Un centro que compite por participar con efectividad en los procesos de decisià ³n y un organismo mutante, que ha de ajustarse a las innovaciones en curso, mejorar sus capacidades y la calidad de su produccià ³n, corrigiendo sus dà ©ficits de â€Å"modernizacià ³n† y afrontando constantemente nuevos desafà ­os. 2.2. El Congreso: Funciones y Desafà ­os A travà ©s de distintas à ©pocas histà ³ricas, desde la antigua Grecia, las ciudades-estados, hasta nuestros dà ­as, y con modalidades por cierto muy diversas, la existencia de una asamblea deliberante y representativa, que albergue las expresiones del pluralismo y sea una instancia de participacià ³n, constituye una pieza fundamental en la configuracià ³n de un Rà ©gimen Polà ­tico Legà ­timo. En los sistemas democrà ¡ticos modernos, los Congresos son precisamente asambleas de naturaleza colectiva, composicià ³n plural y carà ¡cter permanente (Cotta, 1988), cuya centralidad deriva de las competencias que en esa condicià ³n tiene asignadas, como poder del estado y à ³rgano de gobierno: representacià ³n polà ­tica y debate, cuerpo de control e instancia de decisià ³n, titular primario de la funcià ³n legislativa y responsable de otras funciones pà ºblicas (constituyentes, jurisdiccionales, de administracià ³n, actos habilitantes o de autorizacià ³n). La fortaleza y la debilidad de los partidos y del sistema de partidos, su consistencia y su grado de institucionalizacià ³n, influyen obviamente en el peso polà ­tico y la capacidad de accià ³n del Congreso. Por otra parte, el balance entre el Poder Legislativo y el Poder Ejecutivo, el ascendiente del Jefe de Gobierno, las formas de articular su liderazgo y de ejercer la conduccià ³n polà ­tica, asà ­ como sus potestades para determinar la agenda parlamentaria, que dependen de las recursos institucionales de que à ©ste dispone por derecho, pueden igualmente variar en funcià ³n de los poderes de fuente partidaria y asimismo, con la formacià ³n de coaliciones polà ­ticas. La forma de las coaliciones y en particular, los và ­nculos de cooperacià ³n y de competencia entre los partidos asociados, asà ­ como las relaciones con otros partidos y con las escuadras de oposicià ³n, dibujan el margen de discrecionalidad polà ­tica del Presidente, modelan los trà ¡mites concretos de formacià ³n de mayorà ­as y determinan (o â€Å"sobre-determinan†) las modalidades de construccià ³n de la agenda congresional y los procesos legislativos. Segà ºn ello, las Cà ¡maras y los sectores partidarios representados los que està ¡n en la oposicià ³n y los que revistan en la coalicià ³n que apoya al gobierno- pueden tener frente a à ©ste, alternativas diversas de autonomà ­a y de disciplina, con diferentes posibilidades de iniciativa y de respuesta. No obstante, en casi todas las democracias modernas, las grandes decisiones pasan necesariamente por el Parlamento, mediante actos de habilitacià ³n o autorizacià ³n y afirmando las prà ¡cticas del â€Å"gobierno por legislacià ³n† (Sartori, 1994). El Parlamento se ubica en una posicià ³n estratà ©gica, como poder del estado y à ³rgano de gobierno, en articulacià ³n con los otros poderes y con la red compleja de entidades que componen la estructura pà ºblica. Por su naturaleza y su calidad intrà ­nseca es depositario mayor de la soberanà ­a y tiene a su cargo el cumplimiento de cometidos que resultan esenciales para el desenvolvimiento del rà ©gimen democrà ¡tico, en tà ©rminos de legitimidad y de equilibrio institucional, de garantà ­as ciudadanas y de calidad de los procesos de decisià ³n polà ­tica. 2.3. Las Crà ­ticas al Congreso. Los eventos de la à ©poca han afectado la imagen pà ºblica del Parlamento y lo enfrentan a crà ­ticas y autocrà ­ticas, que apuntan doblemente a su là ³gica de funcionamiento y a su debilidad institucional, con razonamientos que hacen pie en la realidad parlamentaria y tienen causa cierta, pero no dejan de ser a la vez paradà ³jicos y con puntos discutibles. Ante las crà ­ticas recordadas cabe reafirmar que el cumplimiento estricto y adecuado de las responsabilidades Constitucionales del Parlamento es un componente fundamental de la calidad de la democracia y de la legitimidad del Sistema Polà ­tico. Esta premisa vale para el conjunto de las competencias del Parlamento, tanto para la funcià ³n legislativa, como para las funciones de representacià ³n y de control, en su calidad de instancia deliberativa y de à ³rgano de gobierno. En lo que toca especà ­ficamente al Proceso de Produccià ³n Legislativa hay que tener en cuenta el equilibrio complejo y de hecho la tensià ³n, entre los distintos â€Å"factores† y â€Å"valores† que intervienen: las necesidades del gobierno y los requerimientos de la participacià ³n parlamentaria, la calidad de la ley junto con la celeridad y la eficiencia en su tramitacià ³n, los intereses de la jefatura ejecutiva y las alternativas de respuesta que surgen en el recinto legislativo, el propà ³sito de construccià ³n de mayorà ­as, las disidencias en los bloques oficialistas y el derecho de oposicià ³n. La relacià ³n existente entre los Poderes Legislativo y Ejecutivo, debe ser analizada como una relacià ³n de equilibrio, de coordinacià ³n y de competencia. Este dispositivo regular, se presenta de manera caracterà ­stica en el tipo de gobierno presidencial, que ha sido definido como â€Å"un sistema de instituciones separadas que comparten el poder† (Neustadt, 1960). Tenemos asà ­ un esquema de separacià ³n, con dos instituciones legitimadas por una eleccià ³n directa, que por naturaleza y por diseà ±o, comparten el poder y compiten por à ©l en rigor, son orgà ¡nicamente â€Å"alentadas a competir† (Charles Jones, 1994), a fin de hacer valer su propia representacià ³n y para concretar su participacià ³n en los procesos de gobierno (Sartori, 1994 y Mark Jones, 1995). En tà ©rminos generales, en estos principios deberà ­a basarse el anà ¡lisis adecuado de las funciones del Parlamento, asà ­ como los debates tà ©cnicos y polà ­ticos sobre su performance, tanto en una perspectiva histà ³rica, como en lo que toca a las alternativas del tiempo actual. Y es con tales fundamentos en una reivindicacià ³n explà ­cita de los postulados indicados que entendemos necesario encarar este estudio sobre la Produccià ³n Legislativa, dentro de las coordenadas especà ­ficas del sistema dominicano. 2.4. El Proceso Legislativo Dominicano Las caracterà ­sticas del proceso legislativo en Repà ºblica Dominicana son conocidas y resultan familiares para los agentes polà ­ticos y en particular para los parlamentarios. Sin detenernos pues en los detalles de su descripcià ³n, creemos no obstante conveniente repasar algunos de los rasgos principales que encuadran dicho proceso desde el punto de vista polà ­tico institucional. En este sentido, debemos subrayar que se trata de un proceso regulado minuciosamente por la propia Constitucià ³n de la Repà ºblica en forma mà ¡s detallada que en otros à ³rdenes jurà ­dicos. Historia: El Poder Legislativo dominicano tiene su origen en el informe de la comisià ³n encargada de redactar la Constitucià ³n de 1844 que debà ­a ser sometido para su discusià ³n al Soberano Congreso Constituyente. La primera Constitucià ³n Dominicana del 6 de Noviembre de 1844 consagrà ³ un Congreso Nacional compuesto por 2 Cà ¡maras: El Tribunado y el Consejo Conservador. El trabajo de esos cuerpos legislativos en ese primer aà ±o fue intenso y lleno de dificultades, pues en el paà ­s todo estaba por reglamentarse. Entre las disposiciones tomadas, pueden citarse; la Ley de Instruccià ³n Pà ºblica, la Ley de Patentes de Navegacià ³n, la Ley del Rà ©gimen de Aduanas, la Ley de Administracià ³n Provincial, la Ley de Subdivisià ³n Polà ­tica de las Provincias, la Ley de Atribuciones y Responsabilidades de los Secretarios de Estado, la Ley que adaptà ³ los Cà ³digos Franceses y la Reforma a los Bienes Nacionales; entre otras. Funcià ³n: El Artà ­culo 16 de la Constitucià ³n Dominicana le asigna una definicià ³n especà ­fica de â€Å"Congreso de la Repà ºblica†, institucià ³n polà ­tica colegiada, de carà ¡cter pluralista y electivo, que funciona normalmente dentro del contexto de las democracias liberales, cuyas atribuciones principales son hacer las leyes, examinar todos los actos del Poder Ejecutivo y ejercer control sobre el gobierno y la administracià ³n en general. El Congreso ejerce el poder constituyente derivado. Esta conformacià ³n de las asambleas parlamentarias supone el establecimiento de un cuerpo estable y especializado, que inviste la representacià ³n de la ciudadanà ­a y de los partidos en un à ¡mbito de pluralidad, como: o Cuerpo Deliberante: Realizan deliberaciones e intercambio de posiciones y luego son discutidos pà ºblicamente por una asamblea constituida en autoridad pà ºblica. o Cuerpo Representativo: Permiten canalizar demandas emergentes (en tà ©rminos de agregacià ³n y regulacià ³n, de compromiso y de autoridad, articulando los intereses particulares con las producciones de interà ©s general). o Es un Órgano Polà ­tico Colegiado: Compuesto por un grupo de personas elegidas democrà ¡ticamente mediante sufragio popular para representar a los ciudadanos. o Es una Asamblea de Carà ¡cter Permanente: El Congreso origina decisiones continuamente, asegurando la gobernabilidad. o Expresià ³n de Pluralismo Polà ­tico: Es la à ºnica institucià ³n que consiente la presencia conjunta y continua de todos los sujetos polà ­ticos y no excluye ningà ºn sector social; llevà ¡ndole en fin a recoger opinià ³n, formarla y participar en las opciones de gobierno, fundamentalmente mediante la construccià ³n del orden jurà ­dico y del imperio de la ley, dentro de un estatuto constitucional que ofrece garantà ­as de divisià ³n de poderes, de control y de equilibrio polà ­tico. De acuerdo con el mandato Constitucional y las normas reglamentarias de la institucià ³n, las funciones Congresionales son tres: Legislar, Fiscalizar y Representar. o La actividad de Legislar o de hacer leyes es considerada la funcià ³n bà ¡sica de un Congreso, ya que los Senadores y Diputados tienen la indelegable misià ³n de transformar en textos claros, precisos y coherentes todo aquello que se pretende instituir como norma para regir conductas o relaciones individuales o colectivas. o El mandato y el mecanismo de Fiscalizacià ³n se refiere a la inspeccià ³n, fiscalizacià ³n, revisià ³n e interpelacià ³n sobre la actividad que realizan el Poder Ejecutivo y sus dependencias; es decir, Secretarà ­as de Estado y Direcciones Generales, asà ­ como sobre cualquier otro funcionario electo. Esta trabajo de control ejerce una funcià ³n de contrapeso frente a las actuaciones del gobierno central, o El concepto de Representacià ³n es moderno. En polà ­tica, implica actuar en interà ©s de los representados, de una manera sensible ante ellos. El compromiso de representacià ³n es doble, ya que los legisladores representan a la nacià ³n y a la provincia o circunscripcià ³n que los ha elegido. Congreso Bicameral: A travà ©s de la separacià ³n de poderes -que sigue siendo un principio vigente en las constituciones polà ­ticas modernas y en la nuestra- el Parlamento es a su manera un à ³rgano de gobierno (co-gobernante), mediante un desempeà ±o adecuado de sus dos cà ¡maras, donde ambas Cà ¡maras participan en pie de igualdad. La produccià ³n legislativa por lo que podemos decir que es un proceso fuertemente reglamentado y complejo, que presenta alternativas complicadas y diversas, desde el punto de vista del desempeà ±o institucional y la negociacià ³n polà ­tica, como pieza estratà ©gica de las acciones de gobierno. La constitucià ³n bicameral del Poder Legislativo ha sido histà ³ricamente concebida como un mecanismo que limita las posibilidades de dominio simple de una mayorà ­a parlamentaria (una eventual â€Å"tiranà ­a†, segà ºn los constitucionalistas clà ¡sicos, temerosos de la concentracià ³n de la autoridad pà ºblica) y es en sà ­ misma una garantà ­a suplementaria de la separacià ³n de poderes, actuando como un factor mà ¡s de equilibrio, al interior del organismo legislativo, en el conjunto de las instituciones pà ºblicas y en relacià ³n a la ciudadanà ­a. Es este un ingrediente bà ¡sico de la civilizacià ³n democrà ¡tica, que permite una mayor amplitud en la representacià ³n polà ­tica, favorece el pluralismo y brinda la oportunidad de un mejor procesamiento (polà ­tico y tà ©cnico) de los productos legislativos, en un mà ©rito que se extiende a otras competencias parlamentarias[2]. La estructura bicameral conlleva a que los proyectos de ley deban pasar necesariamente por el examen de ambas Cà ¡maras (â€Å"doble escrutinio†) y sà ³lo resulten aprobados si se llega a una voluntad coincidente de los dos cuerpos, con sus mayorà ­as respectivas. Si median diferencias, el proyecto es objeto de una segunda revisià ³n. Los sistemas bicamerales hacen que el proceso de la formacià ³n de la ley sea mà ¡s responsable y cuidadoso, evitando la aprobacià ³n precipitada de los proyectos y, ademà ¡s, resulta mà ¡s acorde con el rà ©gimen democrà ¡tico, por cuanto garantiza mejor una autà ©ntica representacià ³n tanto polà ­tica como regional y social. Conformacià ³n y Eleccià ³n: Nuestro Poder Legislativo està ¡ conformado por un Senado, compuesto por 32 miembros, uno por el Distrito Nacional y un representante de cada Provincia y. una Cà ¡mara de Diputados. El Senado està ¡ La Cà ¡mara de Diputados està ¡ compuesto por 178 miembros, a razà ³n de uno por cada cincuenta mil habitantes o fraccià ³n de mà ¡s de veinticinco mil. Por cada provincia debe haber por lo menos dos (Constitucià ³n Dominicana, Art. 24). Ambos representan al pueblo, a travà ©s de distintos partidos polà ­ticos, son elegidos por representacià ³n proporcional desde las listas partidarias y de forma nominal, por votacià ³n directa secreta y universal, en todo el paà ­s, para un perà ­odo de cuatro aà ±os (Constitucià ³n Dominicana, Art 21, Art. 24) Las elecciones nacionales para elegir diputados se harà ¡n mediante circunscripciones electorales con el objeto de garantizar que los ciudadanos que resulten electos en las elecciones generales, sean una verdadera representacià ³n del sector de los habitantes que los eligen.[3] La Constitucià ³n de la Repà ºblica no delega en los partidos polà ­ticos la representacià ³n del pueblo, mà ¡s bien los contempla como instrumentos para realizar el procedimiento electivo mediante el cual los ciudadanos eligen cada cuatro aà ±os a sus representantes. Quorum: En cada Cà ¡mara se requiere la presencia de mà ¡s de la mitad de sus miembros, como quà ³rum mà ­nimo para la validez de las deliberaciones. Las decisiones se toman por mayorà ­a absoluta de votos (Art. 30). La legislatura ordinaria dura noventa dà ­as, pero puede prorrogarse por sesenta dà ­as mà ¡s (Art. 33). Proceso Legislativo: En una investigacià ³n sobre la participacià ³n de los parlamentos en la produccià ³n polà ­tica, Olson y Mezey (1991) afirman que el proceso legislativo està ¡ determinado por tres conjuntos de factores: a) las influencias externas sobre la legislatura; b) la capacidad de actuacià ³n de los legisladores; y c) el contenido de las polà ­ticas que se procesan. Las influencias externas està ¡n determinadas por el dispositivo constitucional, la estructura estatal, la normativa electoral, el sistema de partidos, los intereses de los grupos de la sociedad y la agenda pà ºblica de gobierno. El alcance de actuacià ³n de los legisladores està ¡ determinado por el formato organizacional del Parlamento, las reglas de funcionamiento de las cà ¡maras y de las comisiones, las estructuras de los partidos, asà ­ como la operativa especà ­fica de las bancadas y finalmente, las caracterà ­sticas personales de los integrantes del cuerpo. El contenido de las polà ­ticas depende de la naturaleza de los proyectos que se presentan en el Parlamento y del tipo de actores e intereses a que tales proyectos afectan. Para alcanzar pues un resultado unificado, que manifieste la voluntad formal del Poder Legislativo como à ³rgano mayor del estado, es necesario recorrer un itinerario complejo, de instancias eslabonadas, que respeta la composicià ³n bicameral del Parlamento, asà ­ como la calidad representativa de los cuerpos que lo componen y de sus integrantes, respondiendo a los requerimientos tà ©cnicos y polà ­ticos de la gramà ¡tica legislativa. Este proceso està ¡ integrado por cuatro fases: a) la proposicià ³n del proyecto de ley, b) el trà ¡mite del proyecto, c) la aprobacià ³n de la ley, y d) la promulgacià ³n de la ley. En sentido general, Todo proyecto de ley puede iniciarse en cualquiera de las dos Cà ¡maras y pasan usualmente a las comisiones parlamentarias respectivas, sean à ©stas especiales o permanentes, actuando mà ¡s de una vez en forma integrada. Las comisiones son organismos fundamentales del sistema parlamentario y obran con un potencial de buena polà ­tica legislativa, agregando a esta tarea, una mayor densidad, garantà ­as y posibilidades de calidad[4]. Cuando el trabajo en la comisià ³n ha concluido, el proyecto es presentado en el plenario de la Cà ¡mara correspondiente para su discusià ³n y aprobacià ³n. Luego de admitido en una de las Cà ¡maras debe ser sometido a dos discusiones distintas, con un intervalo de un dà ­a por lo menos entre una y otra discusià ³n (Art. 39), de acuerdo al procedimiento para la aprobacià ³n de leyes. Sà ­, en el caso de que el proyecto fuese declarado de emergencia debe ser discutido en dos sesiones consecutivas (Art. 39). Cada Cà ¡mara es independientemente en sus funciones de acuerdo al criterio mayoritario de sus miembros. Cualquier proyecto de ley recibido en una Cà ¡mara, despuà ©s de haber sido aprobado en la otra, serà ¡ fijado en el orden del dà ­a; pero el mismo puede ser aprobado, modificado o rechazado por esta (Art. 40). Sancià ³n: El procedimiento de sancià ³n legislativa se inicia con el debate en Sala, a partir de la intervencià ³n de los voceros de las comisiones actuantes. Luego, los legisladores discuten el proyecto en general y luego en particular, artà ­culo por artà ­culo, mediante un procedimiento ordenado por el Reglamento de Funcionamiento de cada Cà ¡mara. Todo proyecto de ley aprobado por la Cà ¡mara de origen pasarà ¡ a la otra Cà ¡mara para su consideracià ³n, desarrollà ¡ndose un procedimiento de ida y

For which characters in Of Mice And Men do you feel sympathy the most? Essay

Refer closely to the novel in your answer. I felt some sympathy for Curley’s wife as she was the loneliest of them all. She had a husband who didn’t love or respect her as he went to brothels. As well as Curley’s wife I pitied Slim. He has a lot of responsibility and calms everything down in a tense situation. He was the only person who knew that George shot Lennie after the death of Curley’s wife, which shows the amount of responsibility that is on his shoulders. I have some for Crooks as he is at a disadvantage as he is black so will have a lot of prejudice towards him. He is not allowed in the bunkhouse and so he would be very lonely. He also has the disability of having a crooked back. In the end I felt pity for Candy as the prospect of owning a farm is shattered. He could have lived the rest of his years in relative comfort. Steinbeck uses effective pathos after the death of Curley’s wife. ‘ His eyes blinded with tears and he turned and Went weakly out of the barn’ Now that he knows the dream is over he has nothing to look ahead to which is saddening. Because of his age he won’t be able to get a job. You also pity him because of his disability, which won’t help him find a job. ‘I wont have no place to go, an’ I can’t get no more jobs.’ Also when Carlson shot his dog to put it out of his misery I felt some sympathy. He had the dog for along time and had grown attached to it. Without his dog he would be lonely .This theme of loneliness runs throughtout the book. He then shows regret that someone other than himself shot his dog. ‘I shouldn’t ought to have let no stranger shoot my dog.’ I have sympathy for Lennie as when he had killed Curley’s wife he had ruined the dream for everyone. He would have felt bad about this and the fact that he wouldn’t be able to tend the rabbits which was one of his fears. The other being Ggeorge leaving him, which would mean that he would be lonely. His fear run’s loose as he listens to a talking rabbit: ‘If you think George, gonna let you tend the rabbit, your even crazier’n usual.’ Lennie always has George telling him what to do because he keeps on doing stupid things. In a way Lennie should be pleased about someone keeping a lookout for him but because Lennie is so slow he is upset by it and sometimes Lennie loses his temper. I felt sorry for him most when Curley started a fight with. ‘Lennie’s hands remained at his side; he was too frightened to defend himself. This is because people usually feel sorry for things that are defenceless. But even after Curley had repeatedly punched him Lennie still shows remorse for breaking his hand, which shows he is a ‘nice fella’ . A guy who you wouldn’t want something like this to happen to. ‘I didn’t wanta hurt him.’ The reason I don’t feel sorry for Lennie is because he has a companion like George to look after him and because he is so stupid he doesn’t realise what how poor his lifestyle is. ‘But he was too dumb even to know he had a joke played on him’ I feel sympathy for George as he is lumbered with Lennie. ‘Lennie for god’s sake don’t drink so much.’ It’s as if George is looking after Lennie like they have a parent/child relationship. A similar thing occurs when George threw away the dead mouse Lennie kept in his pocket I feel pity for George as he has a lot of pent up aggression as he uses phrases like ‘son of a bitch’ and ‘crazy bastard’. This is probably caused by the situation he is in. He has no security and his only companion is Lennie who is always getting into trouble. I feel empathy for George, as he is so lonely. This is the same with all the other characters. ‘Guys like us that work on ranches are the loneliest guys in the world’. The only way George can escape this position is through his and Lennies’s dream, of owning a farm. George and Lennie ‘aint got nothing to look ahead to’ but the dream sets them a goal. Then George has to do a horrible thing by killing his only friend. He didn’t even seem to think about other alternatives but he saved Lennie from being tortured. Steinbeck builds this up from when Candy’s dog was shot to save it from the pain of living up until George saving Lennie from the pain of being tortured The reason I don’t feel sorry for George is that he has a companion like Lennie. Someone he can trust. If Lennie was in the same position he wouldn’t survive like George, as he doesn’t have the brain. So George can be thankful that it wasn’t vice versa. ‘Lennie who had been watching imitated George exactly’ This shows that Lennie adores George and is a kind of role model. It also shows that Lennie likes him so he won’t double cross him. He is too stupid to do that anyway. I have little empathy to with Curley, as he is lonelier than ever without his wife. He is always getting into fights, which could mean that he is looking for attention. I have sympathy for is the Boss, as he owns the place. He is most probably rich and has a lot of luxuries compared to the workers .I do have some empathy towards the boss .He also has a lot of responsibility as he has to run the ranch and has a son like Curley who is always causing trouble. Through this book Steinbeck tried to portray what the poor people felt at the time. It shows us that the ‘American’ dream doesn’t always come true and that the battle between the ‘good guy’ and the ‘bad guy’ doesn’t always go in the ‘good guy’s’ favour.

Putting an End to Poverty

A young boy walks through the mud bare-footed towards his one room shack. He opens the waterlogged door to find his young mother feeding his eighteen month old sister cold beans. He walks towards the kitchen, which is really just a three-legged table, a lawn chair and a stove, and scoops the remaining beans from the stove onto a plate for himself. He gives his mother a kiss on the cheek and walks towards his corner of the room. His mother wipes a tear from her eye. Tonight she did not eat dinner with her children; she did not eat at all just as she had not eaten the night before. This scene did not happen in a third world country like one might have believed. It happens everyday here in America. With the Presidential Elections quickly approaching, the candidates should focus on certain issues such as poverty and welfare. To help put a stop to poverty, the candidates must focus on the children living in the destitution, the education of the families, and the monetary wages of the families that are often making less than $15,000 a year. Politicians believe these things to be true in order to cut down on the poverty level. Putting an end to poverty starts with the children of the families. Vice President Al Gore feels very strongly about this. If the government provides nutritional support programs and food stamps, the likelihood that the children will become mature and flourish increases. Galbraith feels the same was as Gore. â€Å"If the children, though badly fed at home, are well nourished at school†¦ then there is a chance that the children of the very poor will come to maturity without inhibiting disadvantage. † (Galbraith, 246) If the physical well being of the children is watched very closely, then this would decrease the probability of poverty when the children are adults. Programs that could help the poverty level include Gore†s idea to expand the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC). By doing this, the EITC would reduce poverty and child poverty rates. The EITC has already lifted 4. 3 million people out of the poverty level, 2. 3 of which were children. â€Å"(If the) physical well-being of the children is vigilantly watched†¦ then there is a chance that the children†¦ will come to maturity†¦ (246). † Secondly, the Governor of Texas, and Republican candidate for the 2000 Presidential Election feels that education is an important way to end poverty. George W. Bush feels that giving federal funds towards school districts in poverty-stricken areas will help expand the number of children and families that will rise above the poverty level. â€Å"We will give schools new freedom to excel in exchange for proven results. When a school district receives federal funds to teach poor children, we expect those children to learn. And if they don†t, parents should get the money to make a different choice. † (George W. Bush www. vote-smart. org/speeches/mtv. phtml? func=speech=m00) Bush also feels that money should be given to those children that are pursuing secondary education. Providing a $1,000 grant to students who took Advanced Placement and college classes in high school is just one example to encourage students of all social classes to try their hardest. Bush also provided the idea that better and safer schools should be built in the impoverished areas. Like Bush, Galbraith feels that education is a very important issue in the fight to end poverty. â€Å"The effect of education and related investment in individuals is to help them overcome the restraints that are imposed by their environment. (246) If the government helps to make the schools more effective in teaching, then the schools will make the poverty level more effective in decreasing. Lastly, the government must help families learn how to manage their finances. The two major candidates for the Presidential Election did not cover this topic. Obviously Mr. Gore and Mr. Bush did not feel that this would have been a successful idea. Galbraith on the other hand, feels that this is very important to help rid the country of poverty. The only way to solve the problem of poverty is to help people help themselves. † (245) One might, however, realize that society would not want the government so closely involved in their lives. This issue would not be of concern towards the Presidential Candidates, but of the Internal Revenue Service (IRS). So in that sense, the government is involved with the finances of the people of America, whether they like it or not. The hopes of a nation are to get rid of all poverty. They want to feed and cloth and educate the little boy that lives in the one-roomed shack. They want to teach the parents of that little boy so that way, they can be hired at better paying jobs; they want to help the people with their finances. The man that wins this presidential election is going to have to understand that there is poverty out there, and that there are things that he can do about it. William Pitt once said â€Å"Poverty is no disgrace but it is damned annoying. † Galbraith answered that with â€Å"In the contemporary United States, it is not annoying but it is a disgrace† (247). The leaders of today should help diminish the poverty level from a disgrace to non-existent.

Essay on Red Scare Fear by Hitler - 1365 Words

Red scare fear by Hitler Self-interest can be said to be opportunism, or it is acting while taking opportunities and advantages of other people with total disregard of their interests while Human rights are the rights that are entitled to every human being. Throughout history, the world has experienced leaders who have been led by egoism, greed and self-interests which have led to violation of the basic human rights which include mass murder, deportation, among others. This paper attempts to explore case of dictator Adolf Hitler, a one-time Germany’s chancellor who rose to power in during the 1920s and early 1930s at a time of when, political, social and economic upheaval were under course. Hitler had failed to grasp the power by force in†¦show more content†¦This issue can be demonstrated by economy, politics, social, and propaganda. Economically, Nazi Party had the absolute control over the society through spreading the danger of Communism. He said Communism caused turmoil, and communists sought to destroy Germany. The most influential profit comes from a partnership with Fascist, so he would be able to maintain his relationship with his supporters (wealthy people who don’t want communism because they don’t want to share) and to attract more people into Fascism. In his opinion, the main economic goal was efficiency not equality. By ensuring that the economy of Germany lied in his hand and asserting the severe consequence of communism, Hitler was able to seize the absolute power. Clyde Miller demonstrated the absolute economic and political control Hitler had over the society. â€Å"Fascism has as an underlying economic purpose the preservation of Capitalism and the prevention of Socialism. To prevent even the discussion of Socialism or Communism all democratic liberties are destroyed. The most influential profit makes form a partnership with the Fascist politicians for the complete control of the state so that the power of police and soldiers may be used to punish all dissenters.† (Miller, p.74) Politically, Hitler associated inequality with Communism, and implemented new policies, such as greater pension and less unemployment, to attractShow MoreRelatedImpact of Nationalism1424 Words   |  6 Pagesthis posed a threat. So in turn Great Britain, Russia, and other neighboring countries formed the Triple Entente, which were known as the Allies. Nationalism caused the formation of alliances in the European countries based on common beliefs and the fear of an imbalance in power. The development of these national alliance systems contributed to the infamous war known today as World War I. Post-World War I, the Allies found themselves victorious and in 1919, the Treaty of Versailles was signed atRead MoreThe Intrepid Ship, Used From 1943 - 1960’S Was A Warship1243 Words   |  5 Pagesrights. During World War II, Hitler used Germany as a totalitarian unit in which mass propaganda was presented in order to show not only hate toward the Jewish and Gypsy but, anyone who wasn’t the Aryan race of the â€Å"pure†. Those who were considered pure were blonde haired and blue eyed and of germanistic- aryan descent. These were considered the true superior human and as a result, were the push as Hitler expelled his propaganda to the rest of Germany. As Hitler grew more and more world powersRead MoreAmerican Anti Communism : Combating The Enemy Within890 Words   |  4 PagesRichard Nixon. The horror of communism in the United States was an indication of political fear over the infiltration of international influences during the 20th century. The theoretical fear that was instilled was based off of the significant different between capitalism and communism as economic systems. Some of the most remarkable historical examples that were emphasized during this time were th e Red Scare after World War I, McCarthyism in the 1950s and the Cold War. Essentially, while I was readingRead MoreNineteen Eighty Four : A Warning For The Future1123 Words   |  5 PagesEighty-Four is a dystopian novel written by George Orwell in the late 40’s. At the time when Orwell started writing Nineteen Eighty-Four, WWII was just coming to an end. The late 40’s was also the start of the Cold War. The Cold war brought along much fear of communist governments, such as the Soviet Union, becoming a world power. Orwell was one of the people who feared a dictatorship coming to power. He wanted to warn the population of what could happen if a totalitarian government became a world powerRead MoreWorld War Ii Research Paper1722 Words   |  7 Pagesgroup called the Freilcorps. Also in Germany, a young man by the name of Adolf Hitler led a young National Socialist movement which would land him in jail would later be called the Nazi party. Italy introduced their right wing organizations known as Fascism. Their goals were to crush communism and restore domestic stability. The western allies also had anti-communist feeling, in the US, a movement known as the â€Å"Red Scare† ordered the arrest of thousands of suspected communists, and many were deportedRead MoreThe World War908 Words   |  4 PagesNations and plan for rearmament, showing that they were planning something of which the international community would not approve (Kershaw 116, Copeland 125). Of course, there are also strong structuralist arguments for the outbreak of the war. While Hitler planned for war in different stages, there was not a clear strategy that the Germans were going to take at every given moment. After France’s invasion of the Ruhr Valley to get their reparations, the Germans could see that the British and other AlliesRead MoreWorld War I And The Great War791 Words   |  4 Pagestension and hate for countries around the world. Germany encouraged invasions and fighting, was considered the cause of the war, and was condemned to debt. Rising as a politician, Adolf Hitler’s supportive government officials voted him as Chancellor. Hitler established a dictatorship and convinced his country the Jewish peoples were the cause of its problem (Strayer 997).s. Most European or Orthodox countries believe the Jews were the blame for Jesus’ death. Because of this ideology, anti-Semitism wasRead MoreThe Treaty Of Versailles And The German Arm During The First World War1250 Words   |  5 PagesName 1 Name Professor Class Date Essays Adolf Hitler had served in the German arm during the First World War, and felt enraged and betrayed by the Treaty of Versailles. Like many Germans, Hitler did not believe that Germany had been defeated on the battlefield, but that they had been betrayed by a revolution at home. Subsequently, the Treaty of Versailles established a harsh peace settlement, which imposed significant economic penalties upon the German people, restricted the size ofRead MoreThe Crucible By Arthur Miller1762 Words   |  8 Pagesof mass hysteria during the Salem Witch Trials. Through this, Miller connected the Puritan trials to The Red Scare, a span of time in which Communist trials were prevalent. In The Crucible, Arthur Miller continually illustrated the ghastly consequences of â€Å"witch-hunts† based off of fear of the unknown. By doing so, Miller delineated what happens to a society, whether past or present, when fear arises in a society based on novel things or ideas, thus creating a polarized community. As a speciesRead MoreThe Battle Of The Cold War1450 Words   |  6 Pagesrepresent today the strongest outpost against Communist penetration that exists anywhere. With this response, Truman changed his view regarding the Soviets with the words, there isn’t any difference between the totalitarian Russian government and the Hitler government (Kirkendall, 289). Furthermore, America decided to keep Stalin out of the loop about the Manhattan project, which furthered distrust because Stalin learned about the bomb through espionage. Truman’s change in attitude toward Stalin led

Parole Is The Release Of A Convicted Offender - 1230 Words

Parole is the release of a convicted offender after he or she has completed a portion of his or her prison sentence (Alarid Del Carmen, 2012). Probation is a form of sentence for violating the law, which suspends the convicted offender’s sentence for a period of time and releases the offender back into the community under specific conditions (Alarid Del Carmen, 2012). The start of probation can be linked to England’s criminal law. During Henry VIII’s time, harsh sanctions were placed on adults and children for violations of the law that were sometimes minor (New York City Government, 2015). The upper class members of the society eventually became dissatisfied with the harsh punishments and became bothered with the change of the†¦show more content†¦Before the mid-nineteenth century offenders received determinate sentences in prison (Rank, n.d.). Determinate sentence is a non-negotiable sentence of incarceration for the specific amount of time as required by statute for that specific crime (U.S. Legal, 2015). Determinate sentencing became problematic because prisons were often overcrowded, which forced governors to issue pardons or prison wardens had to randomly release inmates to make room for new intake (Rank, n.d.). Captain Alexander Maconochie and Sir Walter Crofton are credited for implementing early parole system in England (Rank, n.d.). Maconochie was governor of an English penal colony at Norfolk Island (Rank, n.d.). Convicted English offenders were transported to Australia from England and from Australia to the island; unfortunately, the conditions were extremely bad for the offenders (Rank, n.d.). Maconochie discontinued determinate sentencing and created a â€Å"mark system† (Rank, n.d.). Under the â€Å"mark system†, inmates could be granted release from prison based upon their hard work and good behavior (Rank, n.d.). Inmates earned marks, which were used to buy a reduction in sentence or goods; unfortunately, inmates had to undergo a variety of stages before they were released and the climbing through the stages depended on the number of marks received (Rank, n.d.). Similar to Maconochie, Sir Walter Crofton was convinced that the prison sentence should not

The Use of Police Technology - 1043 Words

While suspects are getting smarter by using more technical and advance ways of committing their crimes. Law enforcement has tried to keep up and even get one step in front of the criminals by finding more advanced technology. This paper will show just some of the new technology that law enforcement has started using in helping capture criminals. It will also show some of the technology that has come out to track the criminals that have been caught in the past. As the criminals come out with new ways to commit crimes law enforcement must keep up with their tactics. Computers in Police Vehicles The days of the officer pulling a vehicle or responding to a call without much information is gone. In today’s law enforcement advance technology†¦show more content†¦They can access reports that will have Victims information, witnesses and even suspect’s information. The Detectives can pull up anything they need to help in their investigation of the crime. The Detectives can even pull up field interrogation from the officers that they did in the field. This will let the Detectives know what suspects may have been in the area when the crime took place. The Detectives can also access alias files on suspects or people of interest in the crime. It will even pull up known associations that the suspect may have. Investigating crimes can be very time consuming for Detectives to find all the information but this makes their job a little easier by having it at their fingertips. Crime Mapping This program help the Federal, State, Local law enforcement agencies in knowing where crimes are going on and what location they are happening. Having this information will help law enforcement to analyze and formulate crime patterns in their area. Crime mapping has come a long ways in fifteen years, by helping in uncovering patterns in crimes so law enforcement can solve them. 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One of the things that is constantly brought is the possibility of police officers nationwide wearing mounted cameras on them throughout the duration of their shifts. This technology comes with both its positive and negative benefits, but it seems to be the topic most commonly talked about. I believe that this technology goes deeper than simply ensuring police officersRead Mo reTechnology And The Field Of Criminal Justice Essay1321 Words   |  6 Pagesever known as police cars and motorcycles’. For over a century the world has been making advances with technology in all areas of life, and the field of criminal justice has not been an exception to this technological advances. These advances in technology has taken the criminal justice field a long way from riding a horse bareback to driving armored cars. These advances along with many others have almost completely changed how things are handled in all aspects of the law. 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Criminals now a days do not have to be in your presence to steal from you or attack you, criminals can steal your information over the Internet as well as bully/harass you through social media. What I will be looking at are the different methods police departments use to deter and stop crime. These technologies include things such as social media, body cameras

Conflict Crises and Environmental Health-Free-Samples-Myassignment

Question: Disucss about the Conflict Crises and Environmental Health. Answer: Introduction: The conflict situation, regardless of the underlying situation behind it, gives rise to a number of key challenges. The political violence and brutality might be the reason behind an immense loss of human resource for the vulnerable region, another very influential impact of the war or conflict crisis brutalities is the phenomenon of mass migration. It has to be understood that the history has witnessed the concept of mass migration time and time again and yet the world is nowhere hear ready to house the huge quantity of people fleeing from the horror in their country during a conflict crisis. As an inevitable result the number of refugees is rising alarmingly all across the globe (Wolf et al. 2014). The living conditions of the refugees are blasphemous considering the lifestyle of the natives, and the refugees are not even provided the access to the vital human rights like sanitation, hygiene and clean water. As a result, the infectious diseases and health adversities like cholera, malnutrition, diarrhoea, dysentery, typhoid and intestinal worms is escalating alarmingly in the refugees eventually leading to a huge loss of lives (Bartram and Cairncross 2010). This assignment will explore the burden of challenges on the refugee populations, and how three basic human rights, sanitation, hygiene and clean water are crucial to maintain the basic health outcome of any community and avoid the likelihood of the abovementioned disease outbreaks. Complications in crisis situations A Refugee Crisis refers to a situation caused due to displacement of large number of people comprised of aslylum seekers and refuges. As per the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, about 65.6 million people got displaced globally because of the reasons mentioned. This crisis can be cause because of Wars or civil unrests, Human rights violations (for example due to corruption in Uganda, Somalia, Nigeria), Environmental Conditions (for example in Bolivia or Tanzania), Economic Hardships (in third world countries). These displaced people, end up migrating to the nearest countries where they can seek asylum or refuge, and thereby causing an enormous influx of people. The temporary refugee camps set up to accommodate these individuals, are generally aimed to give the basic human necessities during their short duration of stay. Ideally, these settlements are supposed to have provisions for housing and sanitation, food rations, provide means of an income and security for the refu gees or asylum seekers, apart from ensuring democracy and justice and well being of these people. However, a study of several refugee camps shows that such parameters are not consistently maintained, and an overcrowding of the camps often resulted in deprivation of such facilities to the refugees. For an example, The Zaatari refugee camp in Jordan houses more than 83,000 people in simple, temporary tents, which provide very little or almost no protection against sub zero temperatures or now or flooding (King and Smith, 2015). Similarly, the Congolese refugees in the Nyarugusu camp in Tanzania have built their own settlements using unbaked bricks, so that they can be razed at a moments notice (Thomson, 2014). This temporary nature of the refugee camps makes them especially vulnerable to collapse on the long run, or when running at or above capacity. Because of this, there is an eventual breakdown of the available facilities like sanitation, water and food supply, and thereby neglecting the basic human necessities. A lack or shortage of funding to the host countries, political corruption, diplomacy and red-tapism, rebel or terrorist groups and fragmentation further complicates the situation, preventing the improvement of the situations seen in the camps. The risk of conflicts be comes even higher when the refugees live in oppressive setup, lacking the legal income sources and economy, and are denied the basic necessities (Lischer, 2017). The refugees also, end up being in peril, unable to return to their countries because of ongoing crisis, and unable to sustain living in camps because of the sub human conditions. Since the refugees often arrive in the camps in already poor health conditions, dependant on foreign aid, they are at a higher risk of mortality by measles, diarrhea type diseases, enteric diseases, measles, malaria, acute respiratory diseases, malnutrition and other infectious diseases. Additionally, some camps also showed a higher prevalence of HIV and Sexually Transmitted Diseases due to engagement with sex workers, rape and insufficient access to health services. The Biggest barriers in the providence of healthcare and development in refugee camps are due to their remote locations, and limited supplies apart from their temporary nature (www.uniteforsight.org, 2017). The limited resources, compounded with frequent overcrowding strains the basic resources (like food and water) allocated to the refugees. T he constant influx or efflux of people to and from the camps also makes the sustenance of proper healthcare very difficult and challenging to overcome. Access to healthcare also depends vastly depending on the country of asylum and the type of settlement (refugee camp or urban/informal settlement). As per UNHCR reports, in Zatari Camp (Jordan), 72.1% of the visits to primary healthcare was for communicable diseases, 21.8% for non-communicable diseases, 4.8% for injury related issues and 1.3% for mental health issues. Similarly, most of visits from the refugee camps in Lebanon and Iraq were because of communicable diseases, compared to that for non-communicable diseases (7.4% for Iraq and 8.3% for Lebanon) (www.cdc.gov, 2017) Onset of diseases in conflict situation: The emergence of the diseases can be recognized in a population which involves a pathogen that is affecting some populations or any of the geographical areas. The emergence of the diseases is being influenced by the ecological and some of the environmental factors (Spengler et al., 2016). It also depends upon human behavior, technology, industry and sometimes microbial adaptation. These situations of conflict can be characterized by a war in between two countries or inside the country. These conflicts can lead to the migration of a large number of populations into some of the temporary camps or settlements (Leaning and Guha-Sapir 2013). These results into the overcrowding of the shelters, inadequacy in safe water, hygiene and sanitation, which eventually leads to the onset of the diseases such as cholera, typhoid, dysentery and other health adversity conditions such as malnutrition and intestinal worms. In the pro-conflict situation the populations have a high rate of mortality and i llness which is caused due to the rise in the levels of malnutrition, stress for a long time and less coverage of vaccine. The diseases that are emerging in the history are the scariest part of the past. Life in the refugee camp was too difficult and it becomes impossible for the peoples to stay at the camps (Alawieh et al. 2014). Now a day the conflict situations arise too often. However in some of the situations the infectious diseases sometime become too complicated. Recently a known conflict is existed in the middle east countries and Africa. During the time of conflict the facilities got reduced as compared to the expected needs, there is reduction in proper sanitation, hygiene and scarcity of pure water. Some of the examples of the spread of the diseases are the spread of malaria during the Tajikistan war in 1960s, during this time the outbreak of plasmodium falciparum occurred in Tajikistan for the first time. Another outbreak that was caused is the Lassa fever which has been caused from the rodents (Sharara and Kanj 2014). In the similar way the improper conditions of sanitation has led to the increase of the rats which results in the outbreak of the disease known as Tularemia. In this disease the infected person mainly suffers from diarrhea and typhoid. The spread of the diseases also depends on the migration of the relief workers, refugees, animals and some of the employees those are working at the mining or the construction employees. There is also a possibility of spreading of the diseases from the infectious aid workers who had returned from the war zone is carrying the infections with them (Alasaad 2013). These workers are already being infected with the diseases such as chol era, dysentery, typhoid and many more. The risk factors that are responsible for the emergence of the diseases are worst conditions of the dwellings, unsecured storage of grains, defecation and urination at open spaces and contamination of the food materials by flies and insects. Crucial importance of sanitation and hygiene: Individuals fleeing from their native land often face challenges to avail basic elements of hygiene and sanitation. This is mainly due to the crisis situation that arises due to increase number of conflict between refuses coming from various Nation across globe. The lack of sanitation is also causing huge threats on the health and life cycle of the people, thereby increasing the risk of contaminated diseases. With the help of proper hygiene and sanitation program it is possible to provide proper protection and clean drinking water to millions of refugees within the temporary camps. It is important mentioned in the given context that the Refugee people originate from different cultural background. Hence, there is a huge difference in the process of maintaining hygiene and sanitation between different group of refugees. this is mainly due to the difference in lifestyle of different group of people (Harding et al. 2017). In this context, it is important for the Healthcare workers responsible for providing hygiene and safety to the respect the cultural values of every community within the Refugee camps. The help to deliver the program related to hygiene and sanitation that are in terms of individual cultural values. Empowering and educating the refugee people is one of the main importance of sanitation and hygiene program. It is also important to ensure the best possible security measures, which will have strict monitoring on the principles of sanitation and hygiene. Sustainable facilities and energy resources are few of the important elements array required in maintaining sanitation and hygiene (Harding et al. 2017). Shortage of clean drinking water is one of the major issues encountered in the refugee camps. Improve level of hygiene and sanitation program can help to provide emergency water supply during the time of crisis. Program of sanitation and hygiene also include construction of latrines and toilets. The health care team also provide proper resources for maintaining basic sanitation within the areas of Refugee camps. Biran et al. (2012), have mentioned about the importance of waste management program that are incorporated as a part of hygiene and sanitation. It is relevant to mention that due to lack of info lack of infrastructure and planning in constructing the refugee camps, it is highly tricky to offer proper waste control techniques. However, with the aid of plant waste management program, proper recycling and reusing of the waste for maintaining high level of sanitation. As mentioned by Cronin et al. (2008), the infection which is spread from the Refugee camps are also vulnerable to the local resident of the nation. The United State is one of the worst affected Nation, where local people every year have to suffer from various type of infectious disease that also include unknown form of illness. Hence, sanitation and hygiene program for the refugee camps can be a major cause of help for improving the health care condition of the host country. The sanitation and hygiene program will also include health screening, where every refugee have to undergo routine and basic medical checkup. This will help them to properly identify any form of infection or germs carried by the refugee people. It is Essential for the sanitation program to provide proper vaccination for better preventing of the infectious disease. From the report work of Scobie et al. (2017), it is clear that with the help of better level of sanitation and hygiene program it is possible to lessen the risks of communicable disease by 54%. There are many instances, where the case of sharing common latrines and toilets led to increased risk of spreading infectious disease. Sanitation program therefore helps to ensure that sufficient number of latrine is constructed within the refugee camps. Promoting cleanliness is another major element of the health sanitation and hygiene program. It is important to note that people within the refugee camps originate from different types of cultural background and most of them are from less educated background. Hence, with the awareness program for cleanliness, it is possible to incorporate the habit of cleanliness within the refugee people thereby decreasing the risk of spreading of infectious disease. Crucial importance of clean water: Clean water can be defined as the critical basic human right for everyone, without proper access to clean hygienic water for drinking there can be numerous health adversities that can come up any day. Adequate quantity of safe drinking water is an existential need for refugee camps as it has the potential to impart various serious implications in the living standards like the nutrition, health, education and sanitation. As per the data provided by the UNHCR, the refugee camps do not have the capability to provide the least requirement of 20 litres per day water per head to the camp members. The scarcity of clear water affects the nutrition, immunity and basic sanitation and hygiene immensely (Bartram and Cairncross 2010). It has to be mentioned in this context that, the most of the water-borne communicable diseases like the diarrheoa, cholera, dysentery, intestinal worms are essentially facilitated by unclean unhygienic water. Based on the annual prediction of the world health organi zation, clean and safe drinking water given equally to all refugee camp members can potentially save 1.4 million deaths due to diarrhoea, 500000 deaths due to malaria, and 860000 deaths due to malnutrition on a yearly basis. On a more elaborative note, a research study characterized 11% of the entire cholera cases n a Kenya refugee camp due to the lack of basic 20 litres of water per day provided to the members of the refugee camp. A very similar trend in communicable disease outbreak had been identified for diarrhoea in a Kenyan and Ghanaian refugee camp in 2006 with a shocking lack of 26% of clean water as per the basic daily requirements (Hunter, MacDonald and Carter 2010). Importance of clean water is not limited to delivery of non-contaminated water supplied to the refugee communities. In most of the refugee camps, the transfer mechanism of the contamination free water can successfully pollute clean water and eventually lead to the refugees succumbing to the most of the water borne diseases. The transfer of the water between the containers, storage vans, pipes and vessels in the camp being contaminated can increase the risk factor of contamination effectively. While discussing the impact of clean water on restoring th4e good health of the refugee camp members, the physical burden of water accessibility from far away regions can also complicate the refugees from collecting contamination free water (Brown, Cairncross and Ensink 2013). As per the WHO and UNCHR guidelines, refugee camps must have availability of clean water within 200 meter radius of the camp itself, although the recent statistics state that refugee camps in Uganda has only 43% of the pop ulation who fall inside the 200 meter radius of the water pumps. Hence, there are many adversities that are still prevalent in the refugee camps all over the world where the lack of clean water is imparting a significant detrimental effect on the health and wellbeing of the population and opening up the flood gates for all the waterborne communicable diseases, and there is need for better accessibility, availability and transferring of contamination free drinking water to these camps in adequate quantity to avoid these consequences of conflict crises (Hlavsa et al. 2011). Conclusion: With an understanding of the problems that are caused during refugee crisis related to health, we can identify a start lack of basic amenities and necessities like sanitation, health, and availability as wellas access to clean drinking water, all of which are basic human rights (Campbell et al., 2015). Therefore, the utmost importance is to maintain the basic qualities of living in these camps, to ensure a decent standard of life and prevent the breakout of spreadable and enteric diseases in these areas. This can additionally help to mitigate the crisis, and prevent refugee uprising and violence, which might have adverse socioeconomic implications. Also, stopping the spread of communicable diseases in the camps can prevent the spread outside the camps References: Alasaad, S., 2013. War diseases revealed by the social media: massive leishmaniasis outbreak in the Syrian Spring.Parasites vectors,6(1), p.94. Alawieh, A., Musharrafieh, U., Jaber, A., Berry, A., Ghosn, N. and Bizri, A.R., 2014. Revisiting leishmaniasis in the time of war: the Syrian conflict and the Lebanese outbreak.International Journal of Infectious Diseases,29, pp.115-119. Bartram, J. and Cairncross, S., 2010. Hygiene, sanitation, and water: forgotten foundations of health.PLoS medicine,7(11), p.e1000367. Biran, A., Schmidt, W.P., Zeleke, L., Emukule, H., Khay, H., Parker, J. and Peprah, D., 2012. Hygiene and sanitation practices amongst residents of three long?term refugee camps in Thailand, Ethiopia and Kenya. Tropical medicine international health, 17(9), pp.1133-1141. Brown, J., Cairncross, S. and Ensink, J.H., 2013. Water, sanitation, hygiene and enteric infections in children.Archives of disease in childhood, pp.archdischild-2011. Campbell, O.M., Benova, L., Gon, G., Afsana, K. and Cumming, O., 2015. Getting the basic rightsthe role of water, sanitation and hygiene in maternal and reproductive health: a conceptual framework.Tropical medicine international health,20(3), pp.252-267. Cronin, A.A., Shrestha, D., Cornier, N., Abdalla, F., Ezard, N. and Aramburu, C., 2008. A review of water and sanitation provision in refugee camps in association with selected health and nutrition indicatorsthe need for integrated service provision. Journal of water and health, 6(1), pp.1-13. Harding, E., Beckworth, C., Fesselet, J.F., Lenglet, A., Lako, R. and Valadez, J.J., 2017. Using lot quality assurance sampling to assess access to water, sanitation and hygiene services in a refugee camp setting in South Sudan: a feasibility study. BMC public health, 17(1), p.643. Hlavsa, M.C., Roberts, V.A., Anderson, A.R., Hill, V.R., Kahler, A.M., Orr, M., Garrison, L.E., Hicks, L.A., Newton, A., Hilborn, E.D. and Wade, T.J., 2011. Surveillance for waterborne disease outbreaks and other health events associated with recreational waterUnited States, 20072008.MMWR Surveill Summ,60(12), pp.1-32. Hunter, P.R., MacDonald, A.M. and Carter, R.C., 2010. Water supply and health.PLoS medicine,7(11), p.e1000361. King, J. and Smith, R., 2015. Zaatari refugee camp: A new'city'.Interaction,43(1), p.23. Leaning, J. and Guha-Sapir, D., 2013. Natural disasters, armed conflict, and public health.New England journal of medicine,369(19), pp.1836-1842. Lischer, S.K., 2017. The Global Refugee Crisis: Regional Destabilization Humanitarian Protection.Ddalus. Scobie, H.M., Phares, C.R., Wannemuehler, K.A., Nyangoma, E., Taylor, E.M., Fulton, A., Wongjindanon, N., Aung, N.R., Travers, P. and Date, K., 2017. Correction: Use of Oral Cholera Vaccine and Knowledge, Attitudes, and Practices Regarding Safe Water, Sanitation and Hygiene in a Long-Standing Refugee Camp, Thailand, 2012-2014. PLoS neglected tropical diseases, 11(7), p.e0005810. Sharara, S.L. and Kanj, S.S., 2014. War and infectious diseases: challenges of the Syrian civil war.PLoS Pathogens,10(11), p.e1004438. Spengler, J.R., Ervin, E.D., Towner, J.S., Rollin, P.E. and Nichol, S.T., 2016. Perspectives on west africa ebola virus disease outbreak, 20132016.Emerging infectious diseases,22(6), p.956. Thomson, M.J., 2014. Mud, Dust, and Maroug: Precarious Construction in a Congolese Refugee Camp.Architectural Theory Review,19(3), pp.376-392. Wolf, J., Prss?Ustn, A., Cumming, O., Bartram, J., Bonjour, S., Cairncross, S., Clasen, T., Colford, J.M., Curtis, V., France, J. and Fewtrell, L., 2014. Systematic review: assessing the impact of drinking water and sanitation on diarrhoeal disease in low?and middle?income settings: systematic review and meta?regression.Tropical Medicine International Health,19(8), pp.928-942. www.cdc.gov (2017).Healthcare Access and Health Concerns among Syrian Refugees Living in Camps or Urban Settings Overseas | Syrian | Refugee Health Profiles | Immigrant and Refugee Health | CDC. [online] Cdc.gov. Available at: https://www.cdc.gov/immigrantrefugeehealth/profiles/syrian/healthcare-diet/index.html [Accessed 9 Nov. 2017]. www.uniteforsight.org (2017).Healthcare in Refugee Camps and Settlements. [online] Uniteforsight.org. Available at: https://www.uniteforsight.org/refugee-health/module1 [Accessed 9 Nov. 2017].